Lighthouse Park

John and I cycled the 50 kilometer round trip to Lighthouse Park over the weekend, not thinking that our efforts would be so amply rewarded. We walked through beautiful forest with towering trees to get to the rocky beach. We brought a little brunch of pomegranate salad, peanut butter and jam sandwiches and hard boiled eggs and enjoyed it looking out over the water. We could see Vancouver, North Vancouver, the Lion's Gate Bridge and Richmond from where we sat. Seagulls cawed around us. It was nice. Please go there next time you have a chance. You won't regret it.

Stanley in the Morning

I rose at 4:40 this morning. Why? you ask. To strap on my runners and make my way to Stanley Park early enough that I could have the park to myself. The seawall is absolutely packed during the day - cyclists, rollerbladers, runners and walkers all do their best to avoid collisions in the narrow path. But I didn't want that sort of experience for my first 10k. I wanted solitude. I wanted privacy. Only me and the sound of my (admittedly ragged) footfalls.

The experience was better than I imagined. It turns out the park is just as busy in the early morning as it is in the afternoon. I shared my run with squirrels, crows, seagulls, geese, and groups of racoons plodding along the trail as if it was made for them. And the sights! The sky looked like it had been finger painted by a child. Streaks of pink and yellow and eventually blue illuminated the east. The water was calm and speckled with ducks sending ripples out.

Everywhere I looked it was beautiful. I felt so alive and grateful. Grateful for my body that is able to take me places I want to go; grateful for the breathtaking natural and constructed beauty of Vancouver; grateful that I have found this passion for running that allows me to experience these moments.

And my first 10k run! I was dripping sweat by the end and staggered a bit up the hills but otherwise I felt strong. I can't wait to build my speed and endurance up. I can't wait to keep using my body in this rad way.

Peppered Nectarine Salad

So, I bought loads of nectarines at the store a few days ago (because they're so delicious!) and was researching ways of using them in a recipe. Cobblers, pies and tarts were all prohibited (for this striving to be healthy household) and I eventually found a salad that piqued my interest.

Behold, Peppered Nectarine Salad.

2 ripe nectarines, diced
2 bell peppers (red are indisputably the best)
1 c. halved grape tomatoes
1 c. shredded carrot
1 small red onion
a few handfuls of greens (we love liberal helpings of arugula)

For the dressing:
1 lime
lots of freshly cracked pepper
2 tbsp walnut oil
1 tbsp balsamic vinegar
2 tsp red pepper flakes
1 tsp dried basil

Directions: Combine the fruit and veggies, whisk the dressing together, toss and serve.

I served the nectarine in slices but I recommend dicing them so that their sweet juicy deliciousness doesn't overpower the other flavours in your bite. I forgot to add onion but I think it would blend very well with the other ingredients. Also, the recipe doesn't call for carrots or greens but I thought a few more vegetables would help balance the nectarines. All in all, a tasty fresh salad with a hint of exciting spice.

FYI, goes very well with lightly seasoned baked salmon.

Baked Apples

I've recently revisted my quinoa cookbook and found a wealth of delicious sounding recipes that I had previously ignored. This recipes is not one of those. I knew from the moment I read it that I had to make it. And with John and I trying to eat well, this recipe really fit the bill for an after dinner snack.

Please read below for culinary bliss:

1/3 c. quinoa
4 Gala apples, cored
1/2 c. toasted slivered almonds
2 tbsp brown sugar
3 tbsp fresh lemon juice
2 tsp cinnamon
1/2 tsp allspice
1 c. blueberries
1 c. yogourt

Cook the quinoa until fluffy.

Preheat oven to 375 degrees. Cut a piece of parchment aper to fit a baking dish. Make a shallow cut around the midsection of each apple to allow movement of the skin during baking. Stand the apples in the baking dish.

Combine quinoa with toasted almonds, sugar, lemon juice, cinnamon and allspice. Add the berries and spoon the mixture into the cored apples and around the base. Loosely place a piece of foil over the top of the pan to prevent the apples from burning.

Bake for 35 minutes until apples are tender. Remove from the oven, place in individual bowls and add a dollop of yogourt on the side, sprinkled with cinnamon.

Religious Knowledge Deconstructed

For anyone interested, here is a paper I wrote recently about the possible evolutionary origins of religion. I'd love to hear your responses (if you can get through it).



The By-Product of Evolved Behaviours: Deconstructing Religious Knowledge

In this paper, I would like to explore how and why religious knowledge has been constructed. Why is unverifiable knowledge both ubiquitous and infused with value throughout human history? Why does religious truth inform billions of people about the way the universe functions and how is that truth reconciled with scientific knowledge? Please note that by religious knowledge or truth I mean information relating to entities or forces of a supernatural nature and everything attributed to arising from these entities. Due to evolutionary research, we know that human behaviour and the complex social knowledge collectively shared by us is the product of millions of years of natural selection. If natural selection, as Darwinian scientists claim, eliminates useless expenditure, how has the extravagant set of behaviours associated with religion survived? Darwinian selection dictates that animals that squander their time in wasteful activities will be outlived by animals that utilize their time efficiently, surviving and reproducing (Dawkins, 2006). The behaviour that religious knowledge encourages seems lavish and evolutionarily costly, like a peacock's tail. The resources used to construct a cathedral, for example are absurdly high in that the expense of human life, man hours and available material resources and seem indulgent for a building that is not used for sheltering or feeding a population. However, for a trait or a set of traits to survive, there must be a reason for them. The peacock's tail is for attracting mates. I will demonstrate how religious knowledge is simply a by-product of human behaviour that originally evolved for the purpose of survival but has since favoured the impulse for religion.

Firstly, I will show how the behaviours associated with the enhancement of social solidarity are formed and how they are predisposed to the creation of religious knowledge. These behaviours are effective communication of different models of reality and the application of commitment theory through: the demonstration of trustworthiness through irrational behaviour; the establishing of commitment through the sharing of emotions; and the public observation of rituals. Secondly, I will authenticate my claim that behaviours evolved for the purpose of individual rather than group survival value inclined humans toward forming religious knowledge. These behaviours are expressed as agency assignment, hyper agency detection device, and intentional stance. Thirdly, I will introduce some evolutionary psychological mechanisms and establish how they inform many aspects of religious knowledge, such as children's vulnerability to falsehoods, native dualism and teleology, irrationality associated with falling in love and the attachment system. Fourthly, I will draw comparisons between tendencies in animal behaviour toward man and the tendencies in human behaviour toward supernatural entities to illustrate how animal behaviour was a precursor to hominid behaviour. Lastly, I will outline the contemporary benefits of religious knowledge.

The most prevalent argument for the creation of religious knowledge as a by-product of certain environmentally dependent behaviours is the survival value associated with social bonding. It has been observed that religiously organized groups cooperate more effectively and have better success competitively than non-religiously organized groups (Dow, 2006). Apparently then, there is a correlation between cooperation and religious knowledge. There are several theories regarding how religious knowledge enhances group cohesiveness; one of them hinges on the idea that there is no absolute external reality and that the information we each process through our five senses is represented as different models of a reality (Dow, 2006). With the existence of variant internal models of reality, it was necessary for humans to develop a means of communicating effectively with each other using symbols. "Complex symbolic communication" (Dow, 2006, p. 69) provided humans with the ability to represent complicated ideas to others, thereby increasing the social cohesiveness of the group and ultimately its survival.

Communication is used by different organisms to indicate various ideas. In the non-human animal world signalling is a method of communicating reproductive fitness to potential mates. For humans, it was important to communicate trustworthiness in order to demonstrate an ability to cooperate in a group environment (Dow, 2006). This trustworthiness was manifested in "irrational acts of commitment" (Dow, 2006, p. 72). These irrational commitments to unverifiable knowledge (expressed by the commitment theory) created feelings of trust. If viewed from the perspective of a group aiming at survival, these seemingly irrational acts can be seen as rational. Groups that are the most cohesive tend to fare better in the long term than groups that do not excel at internal cooperation (Dow, 2006). So, religious knowledge is simultaneously rational, in that it promotes cooperation within a group and irrational, because it necessitates belief in supernatural beings. Akin to trustworthiness as an indicator of a willingness to cooperate, is the perspective from some religious minds that close-knit religious communities should maintain that closeness by imposing taboos. Restrictions regarding interaction with non-members of the group prevent individuals with an only casual commitment from diluting the intense feeling of unity the group shares.

Social commitment, as part of the commitment theory, also plays a part in the development of religious knowledge. Humans have an incredible capacity for "unprecedented level[s] of subjective commitment to social norms (Rossano, 2006, p. 348). Put simply, we have a tendency to want to conform. Self-conscious emotions like embarrassment, guilt, shame and pride are only meaningful when individuals are part of a group. The desire to conform in ways that will enhance interpersonal relationships compels individuals to behave in ways that are acceptable to the group. Having similar emotions with other members aids in building and maintaining social bonds (Rossano, 2006). Emotions such as guilt when letting others down, pride when exceeding others' expectations, empathy for those in pain or indignation against those who are perceived to be morally inferior, are powerful tools in simultaneously ensuring group cohesion and curbing the natural impulse to be self-interested. The social emotions humans display and have displayed historically are "harnessed" (Rossano, 2006, p. 348) to reinforce social unity and ostracize deviants.

Another important aspect involved in commitment theory is the observation of rituals. Certain patterns in animal behaviour have been viewed as a forerunner of religious ritualistic behaviour. Flocks of birds, for example, "perform their ritual evolutions in the sky" (Verkamp, 1991, p. 541) and could be perceived to be enacting meaningful customs. In humans, the practice and impact of rituals and ceremonies are far more easily seen. Traditional societies often engage in "rhythmic dancing, disturbing imagery, and the ingestion of psychotropic substances producing ecstatic emotional states that enhance social bonding" (Rossano, 2006, p. 348). Rituals such as these promote the release of brain opiates, which in turn aid in the construction of strong ties between members of a group. Initiation rituals performed in traditional societies also often involve strenuous physical and emotional trials. These trials demonstrate that an individual is willing to undergo hardship and is committed to the group (Rossano, 2006).

Commitment theories demonstrate the social pressures exerted on individuals attempting to maintain healthy group ties. Individual survival behaviours have also evolved over time, one of which, agency detection, is when an organism assigns another's actions to something like belief, desire or intention (Rossano, 2006). Studies show that, in humans, the ability to attribute agency to other people develops over the first several years of life. With such complex social dynamics as were exhibited in hominid culture, the capacity for comprehending the goals of others would have been a useful skill (Rossano, 2006). Members of groups who could accurately read the intentions of those around them would have a significant survival advantage.

In conjunction with the skill to assign agency in humans, the ability to see agency in inanimate objects and events was also an important survival skill for early humans and animals. This theory advances the idea of attributing mysterious circumstances to an agent and is called hyperactive agency detection device (HADD) (Sosis, 2009). Cognitive theorists contend that religions are brimming with knowledge of unseen agents such as gods and spirits, who cause things to happen (Dow, 2006). This modern belief may stem from an evolutionary trait exhibited in animals. For example, a rabbit that, seeing a rustle in the bushes, imagines a predator instead of what is most likely causing the rustle (the wind), has a greater chance of surviving than a rabbit who does not imagine a predator. One day the rustling will eventually be the sounds of a crouching tiger and the rabbit will have ensured its survival by running at the first sign of perceived danger.

A comparable theory, intentional stance, postulates that survival value is exhibited in the ability of organisms to speedily process information in dangerous situations and make decisions based on that information. It can be viewed as a short cut for second-guessing the intentions of entities that matter to us for purposes of survival (Dawkins, 2006). Similarly, animism is the "hyperactive habit of finding agency wherever anything puzzles or frightens us" (Ward, 2008, p. 222). After uncovering the fact that traditional societies subscribed to a belief in animism and other related religious concepts, anthropologists of the 19th century began to think of religious knowledge as culturally evolved from lower to higher levels of thought. The belief that spirits inhabit every animate and inanimate thing offended the European thinkers and they subsequently labeled traditional religious knowledge as savage and industrial religious knowledge as civilized (Dow, 2006). This mentality indicates a reluctance to accept a behavioural explanation for the evolution of religious knowledge. Fortunately, much of the research done today is less vulnerable to fallibilities of this kind.

Psychological mechanisms have contributed to the evolution of religious knowledge. One such mechanism that has persisted to this day is the facility with which children are "brainwashed" (Wright, 2009, p. 464) by perceived authority figures. In hominid societies as well as in contemporary societies, children must believe the council of their parents or risk endangering themselves. There is a selective advantage to children who are taught not to eat unidentified foods or venture near a cliff edge over those who learn from personal experience that falling very long distances can be fatal or that eating strange berries can cause bodily harm (Dawkins, 2006). It is an essential component of human survival to pass accumulated knowledge on to successive generations; however, the absolute trust a child places in his parents and elders leaves him vulnerable to a belief in falsehoods. A child cannot distinguish good advice from bad so when an elder admonishes him to "sacrifice a goat at the time of the full moon" (Dawkins, 2006, p. 205), the knowledge is stored and passed down to the next generation as valid. This gullibility is evolutionarily sound but in many cases prevents children from thinking rationally about the world and instills in them an alarming susceptibility to falsities that can persist into adulthood.

Another psychological mechanism that may prime human brains for the creation and acceptance of religious knowledge is the theory that dualism and teleology are ingrained in human thought processes. Dualism is the belief that the mind and body are separate and the body is inhabited by a spirit. Conversely, monists believe that "mind is a manifestation of matter" (Dawkins, 2006, p. 209) and cannot be separated from the body. These two convictions are important in regards to religious knowledge because one asserts the idea that a spirit can survive the body's death and live in an afterlife. Studies have been done that demonstrate an inclination for humans, and especially children, to support dualism rather than monism. Studies in the area of teleology have also been done to ascertain the predisposition of humans to accepting that philosophy. Teleology, the assignment of purpose to everything, was found to be widespread in children (Dawkins, 2006). We have already discussed the evolutionary purpose behind teleology; the contemporary effect is that we believe that since everything has a purpose, it must be the purpose of a supernatural power. The native nature of dualism and teleology in the human psyche indicates that humans may have a psychological predisposition for religion.

The irrationality of religion may be the by-product of a "particular built-in irrationality mechanism in the brain" (Dawkins, 2006, p. 214) which compels us to fall in love. This phenomenon drives most men and women to engage in monogamous relationships with partners that are not necessarily ideal. For example, a man is unlikely to find one woman a hundred times more lovable than her competitors, yet when he is in love, he often feels that this is so. The oddity of perpetuating a romantic relationship with only one person is exhibited in the fact that it is only in this particular area of life that monogamy is expected. It is socially acceptable to love more than one child, parent, friend, book or composer, but it is taboo to love more than one romantic partner. From the evolutionary standpoint of survival and reproduction, it seems beneficial to conceive a child and maintain a relationship with the other parent throughout the weaning process to ensure the survival of progeny. In regards to the production of religious knowledge, the irrationality mechanism in our brains could affect the human inclination to love supernatural beings or forces and to perform irrational acts motivated by that love (Dawkins, 2006).

Continuing with the theme of love, it has been contended that the attachment system is fundamental to religion, especially Christianity (Kirkpatrick, 2006). The attachment system, evolved in humans through natural selection, is meant to protect vulnerable infants from the dangers of their environment. If the primary caregiver of an infant is too far to provide necessary protection, the youngster will cry, call and reach to generate closer proximity. When the environment is safe, the role of the caregiver is to comfort and provide a "secure base" (Kirkpatrick, 2006, p. 5) from which the infant can explore. The attachment system may be a source of religious knowledge in that a supernatural being replaces the role of the primary caregiver in providing safety, comfort and security. For example, a religious person will go forward with faith that god will protect him from danger and sustain him through trials.

Some scientists and theologians have compared man's devotion to God with canine devotion to man, a source of religious knowledge founded on theories that animals' patterned or ritualistic behaviour anticipates human religious behaviour. Charles Darwin thought he found such patterns in the barking and growling of his dog at a parasol blowing in the wind (Verkamp, 1991). He hypothesized that this example displays elements of animism which has already been defined as the belief that supernatural forces explain all inexplicable movement. Darwin also saw significance in the loyalty of dogs to their masters and likened it to human devotion to God because the feelings characterized by it, "love, complete submission to an exalted and mysterious superior, a strong sense of dependence, fear, reverence, gratitude, and hope for the future" (Verkamp, 1991, p. 541) are similar to a dog's fear of and submission to its master. Further demonstrations of dog and man relationships versus man and god relationships are relevant because primitive man is closer in social behaviour to hunting dogs than he is to any other member of the animal kingdom (Verkamp, 1991). Hunting dogs become attached to human masters by transferring submissive attachment from the pack leader to a human. This is analogous to sudden conversions of many human adults to ways of perceiving god as all powerful and all knowing. Characterized by love, faithfulness and devotion, the transference of love exhibited by puppies for their mothers to human masters is also demonstrative of the love humans harbour for their supernatural masters.

The benefits of religious knowledge on the contemporary human population have less to do with survival and reproduction and more to do with social participation. For instance, the knowledge that religious groups have more social cohesion than other groups indicates that groups with similar beliefs, ideas and ways of life are proficient at cooperation (Dow, 2006). Socially, it is beneficial to belong to a group and to participate in activities that produce meaningful relationships. Some studies have shown that modern industrial societies that exhibit signs of religious faith are associated with longevity and greater health (Dow, 2006). Surely this is linked to the mental health attained through engaging in robust social interaction as opposed to solitary activities that tend to produce feelings of loneliness and separation from society. Another possible positive effect associated with religious knowledge is the placebo effect, resulting in reduced stress for those imbued with faith in a higher power. The placebo is related to the attachment system, in which a member of a religious group feels comforted and protected by a supernatural entity. This is also associated with the consolation theory, in which the faithful find the belief in a god and a heaven consoling.

Religious knowledge then, originated as a by-product of a set of behaviours that evolved through natural selection over the hundreds of thousands of years of human history. Originally intended to perform important roles in survival and reproduction, these behaviours have predisposed humans towards certain ways of producing knowledge, known as religion.